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Catalan phonology

The Catalan / Valencian cultural domain
Catalan phonetic.png
Language

The phonology of Catalan, a Romance language, has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard dialects, one based on Eastern Catalan and one based on Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences. Various studies have focused on different Catalan varieties; for example, Wheeler (1979) and Mascaró (1976) analyze Central Eastern varieties—the former focusing on the educated speech of Barcelona and the latter focusing more on the vernacular of Barcelona—and Recasens (1986) does a careful phonetic study of Central Eastern Catalan.[1][2]

Catalan shares features with neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, Italian, Sardinian, French, Spanish).[3] Notable features include:[4]

  • Marked contrast of the vowel pairs and , as in other Western Romance languages, except Spanish.
  • Lack of nasalized vowels, unlike Portuguese or French.
  • Lack of diphthongization of Latin ĕ, ŏ, as in Galician and Portuguese, and unlike French, Spanish and Italian.
  • Abundance of diphthongs containing , as in Galician and Portuguese.

In contrast with other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words; and those ending in a wide variety consonants and some consonant clusters.[4] Also, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, thus featuring many couplets like amic ('male friend') vs. amiga ('female friend').[4]

Contents

Consonants

Consonants of Catalan[5]
Bilabial Labio-
dental		 Dental/
Alveolar		 Palatal Velar
Nasal 2 4
Stop voiceless 1 () ~
voiced 1 () ~
Affricate voiceless 5
voiced 5
Fricative voiceless 3 5
voiced () 3 5
Trill 3
Tap 2
Approximant
Lateral 2 4
  • ^1 , are denti-alveolar.[6]
  • ^2 , , are front alveolar.[6]
  • ^3 , , are postalveolar.[6]
  • ^4 , are "front alveolo-palatal".[6]
  • ^5 There is some confusion in the literature about the precise phonetic characteristics of , , , . some sources[7] generally describe them as "postalveolar." Others[6][8] describe them as "back alveolo-palatal", implying that the characters would be more accurate. However, in all literature on Catalan, only the characters for palato-alveolar affricates and fricatives are used, even when the same sources use for other languages like Polish and Chinese.[9][10][11]
  • Voiced obstruents undergo final-obstruent devoicing so that e.g. fred ('cold', m. s.) is pronounced with , while fredes ('cold', f. pl.) is pronounced with .[12]

Stops

Voiced stops become lenited to fricatives in syllable onsets, after continuants:[13] ], [d]→[], [g]→[]. Exceptions include after lateral consonants and after . E.g. ull de bou ('oeil-de-boeuf'), bolígraf boníssim ('excellent ballpoint'). In the coda position, these sounds are always realized as stops,[14] except in some dialects of Valencian, where they are lenited.[15]

In most dialects, and may be geminated in certain environments (e.g. poble 'village', regla 'rule'), apart from Valencian where they are lenited.[16][17]

In Majorcan varieties, and become and word-finally and before front vowels,[15] in some of these dialects, this has extended to all environments except before liquids and back vowels; e.g. sang ('blood').[13]

Affricates

The phonemic status of affricates is dubious; after other consonants, affricates are in free variation with fricatives, e.g. clenxa ~ ('hair parting')[18] and may be analyzed as either single phonemes or clusters of a stop and a fricative.

  • Alveolar affricates, and , occur the least of all affricates.[19]
    • only occurs intervocalically: metzines ('toxic substances').[20]
    • Instances of arise mostly from compounding; the few lexical instances arise from historical compounding.[18] For instance, potser ('maybe') comes from pot ('may') + ser ('be' inf). As such, does not occur word-initially; other than some rare words of foreign origin (e.g. tsar 'tsar',[21] tsuga 'tsuga'[22]), but it may occur word-finally and quite often in cases of heteromorphemic (i.e. across a morpheme boundary) plural endings: tots ('everybody').[19]
  • The distribution of alveolo-palatal affricates, and , depends on dialect:
    • In Standard Eastern Catalan, word-initial is found only in a few words of foreign origin (e.g. txec 'Czech',[23] Txaikovski 'Tchaikovsky') while being found freely intervocalically (e.g. fletxa 'arrow') and word-finally: despatx ('office').
    • Standard Eastern Catalan also only allows in intervocalic position (e.g. metge 'medic', adjunt 'enclosed'). Phonemic analyses show word-final occurrences of (e.g. raig esbiaixat 'skew ray'), but final devoicing eliminates this from the surface: raig ('ray').
    • In various other dialects (as well as in emphatic speech),[24] occurs word-initially and after another consonant to the exclusion of . These instances of word-initial seem to correspond to in other dialects, including the standard (on which the orthography is based): xinxa ('bedbug'), pronounced in the standard, is in these varieties.[20]
    • Similarly, in most of Valencian and southern Catalonia,[19][25] most occurrences of correspond to the voiced fricative in Standard Eastern Catalan: gel ('ice').

There is dialectal variation in regards to affricate length, with long affricates occurring in both Eastern and Western dialects such as in Majorca and specific Northern and Southern Valencian areas and short affricates being otherwise widespread throughout Valencia.[26] Also, intervocalic affricates are predominately long, especially those that are voiced or occurring immediately after a stressed syllable (e.g. metge 'medic').[27]

Fricatives

occurs in Balearic,[24] as well as in Alguerese, standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia.[28] Everywhere else, it has merged with .[29] In Majorcan, and are in complementary distribution, with occurring before vowels (e.g. blava 'blue' f. vs blau 'blue' m.). In other varieties that have both sounds, they are in contrast before vowels, with neutralization in favor of before consonants.[30]

In some Valencian dialects, and are auditorily similar such that neutralization may occur in the future.[31] That is the case of Northern Valencian where is depalatalized to or as in caixa ('box'). Central Valencian words like mig ('half') and lleig ('ugly') have been transcribed with rather than the expected , and Southern Valencian "has been reported to undergo depalatalization without merging with ".[32] as in passets ('small steps') versus passeig ('promenade')

In Aragon and Central Valencian (the so called apitxat), voiced fricatives and affricates are missing (i.e. has merged with , has merged with , with only voiceless realizations occurring) and has merged with the set.[33]

Sonorants

While "dark (velarized) l", , may be a positional allophone of in most dialects (such as in the syllable coda; e.g. sòl 'ground'),[34] is dark irrespective of position in Eastern dialects like Majorcan[35] and standard Eastern Catalan (e.g. tela ).

The distribution of the two rhotics and closely parallels that of Spanish. Between vowels, the two contrast (e.g. mirra 'myrrh' vs. mira 'look'), but they are otherwise in complementary distribution: in the onset, appears unless preceded by a consonant; different dialects vary in regards to rhotics in the coda with Western Catalan generally featuring and Central Catalan dialects like those of Barcelona or Girona featuring a weakly trilled unless it precedes a vowel-initial word in the same prosodic unit, in which case appears.[36]

In careful speech, , , and may be geminated (e.g. innecessari 'unnecessary'; emmagatzemar 'to store'; il·lusió 'illusion'). A geminated may also occur (e.g. ratlla 'line').[24] Wheeler (1979) analyzes intervocalic as the result of gemination of a single rhotic phoneme: sorra 'sand' (this is similar to the common analysis of Spanish and Portuguese rhotics).[37]

Vowels

Vowels of Catalan
 Front  Central  Back 
Close
Close-mid ()
Open-mid
Open

Phonetic notes:

  • The vowel is further back and open than the Castilian counterpart in North-Western and Central Catalan, slightly fronted and closed in Valencian and Ribagorçan ~ ], and further fronted and closed ~ ] in Majorcan.[38]
  • The mid-open vowels and are lower in Majorcan, Minorcan and Valencian, that is, in these dialects the phonetic realization of approaches , while is as low as .[39][40][41]
  • In Alguerese, Northern Catalan and some places bordering the Spanish-speaking areas, mid-open and close-mid vowels may merge into mid vowels; and .[42]
  • Northern Catalan may add two loan rounded vowels, and , from French and Occitan (e.g. but 'aim', fulles 'leaves').[43]
  • In the Barcelona metropolitan area unstressed schwa is lowered to a near-open central vowel , sounding closer to but in RP or Californian English.[41][44]
  • Phonetic nasalization occurs for vowels occurring between nasal consonants or when preceding a syllable-final nasal; e.g. diumenge ('Sunday').[45]

Stressed vowels

Vowels of Standard Eastern Catalan, from Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)

Most varieties of Catalan contrast seven stressed vowel phonemes.[46] However, some Balearic dialects have an additional stressed vowel phoneme (); e.g. sec ('dry').[15] The stressed schwa of these dialects corresponds to in Central Catalan and in Western Catalan varieties (that is, Central and Western Catalan dialects differ in their incidence of and , with appearing more frequently in Western Catalan; e.g. Central Catalan sec vs Western Catalan sec 'dry, I sit').[46]

Contrasting series of the main Catalan dialects:

Central Catalan[15]
Vowel IPA word gloss
sic 'sic'
séc 'fold'
sec 'dry'
'I sit'
sac 'bag'
sóc 'I am'
soc 'clog'
suc 'juice'
Western Catalan[15]
Vowel IPA word gloss
sic 'sic'
séc
sec		 'fold'
'dry, I sit'
set 'seven'
sac 'bag'
sóc 'I am'
soc 'clog'
suc 'juice'
Balearic Catalan[15]
Vowel IPA word gloss
sic 'sic'
séc 'fold'
sec 'I sit'
sec 'dry'
sac 'bag'
sóc 'I am'
soc 'clog'
suc 'juice'

Unstressed vowels

Vowel reduction processes in Eastern and Western Catalan.

In Eastern Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to three : , , ; , , ; remains unchanged. However there are some dialectal differences: Alguerese merges , , and with ; and in most areas of Majorca, can appear in unstressed position (that is, and are usually reduced to ).[47]

In Western Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to five: , ; , ; remain unchanged.[48] However, in some Western dialects reduced vowels tend to merge into different realizations in some cases:

Eastern Catalan[15]
Vowel Example IPA Gloss
si 'if'
se 'itself'
sa 'her'
-nos 1 'us'
uns 'some'
Western Catalan[15]
Vowel Example IPA gloss
si 'if'
se 'itself'
sa 'her'
-nos 'us'
uns 'some'

Diphthongs and triphthongs

There are also a number of phonetic diphthongs and triphthongs, all of which begin and/or end in or .[52]

Falling diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
aigua 'water' taula 'table'
mainada 'children' caurem 'we will fall'
remei 'remedy' peu 'foot'
rei 'king' seu 'his/her'
niu 'nest'
noi 'boy' nou 'new'
jou 'yoke'
avui 'today' duu 's/he is carrying'
Rising diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
iaia 'grandma' guant 'glove'
veiem 'we see' seqüència 'sequence'
seient 'seat' ungüent 'ointment'
feia 's/he was doing' qüestió 'question'
pingüí 'penguin'
iode 'iodine' quota 'payment'
iogurt 'yoghurt'
 
Triphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
dúieu 'you carried'
creieu 'you believe' liqüeu 'you blend'
guaita 'he watches'
guaitar 'to watch'

In standard Eastern Catalan, rising diphthongs (that is, those starting with or ) are only possible in the following contexts:[53]

  • in word-initial position, e.g. iogurt.
  • Both occur between vowels as in feia and veiem.
  • In the sequences or and vowel, e.g. guant, quota, qüestió, pingüí (these exceptional cases even lead some scholars[54] to hypothesize the existence of rare labiovelar phonemes and ).[55]

Processes

There are certain instances of compensatory diphthongization in Majorcan so that troncs ('logs') (in addition to deleting the palatal stop) develops a compensating palatal glide and surfaces as (and contrasts with the unpluralized ). Diphthongization compensates for the loss of the palatal stop (segment loss compensation). There are other cases where diphthongization compensates for the loss of point of articulation features (property loss compensation) as in ('year') vs ('years').[56]

The dialectal distribution of compensatory diphthongization is almost entirely dependent on the dorsal stop and the extent of consonant assimilation (whether or not it's extended to palatals).[57]

Voiced affricates are devoiced after stressed vowels in dialects like Eastern Catalan where there may be a correlation between devoicing and lengthening (gemination) of voiced affricates: metge → ('medic').[11] In Barcelona, voiced stops may be fortified (geminated and devoiced); e.g. poble 'village').[24]

Assimilations

Nasal Lateral
word IPA gloss word IPA gloss
ínfim 'lowest'
anterior 'previous' altes 'tall' (f. pl.)
engegar 'to start (up)' àlgid 'decisive'
sang 'blood'
sagna 'he bleeds'
cotna 'rind' atles 'atlas'
sotmetent 'submitting' motlle 'spring, mold'

Catalan denti-alveolar stops can fully assimilate to the following consonant, producing gemination; this is particularly evident before nasal and lateral consonants: e.g. cotna ('rind'), motlle/motle ('spring'), and setmana ('week'). Learned words can alternate between featuring and not featuring such assimilation (e.g. atles 'atlas', administrar 'to administer').[58][59]

Central Valencian features simple elision in many of these cases (e.g cotna , setmana ) though learned words don't exhibit either assimilation or elision: atles and administrar .[60]

Prosody

Stress

Stress most often occurs on any of the last three syllables of a word (e.g. brúixola 'compass', càstig 'punishment', pallús 'fool').

Compound words and adverbs formed with may have more than one stressed syllable (e.g. bonament 'willingly'; parallamps 'lightning conductor') but every lexical word has just one stressed syllable.[61]

Phonotactics

Any consonant, as well as and may be an onset. Clusters may consist of a consonant plus a semivowel (C, C) or an obstruent plus a liquid. Some speakers may have one of these obstruent-plus-liquid clusters preceding a semivowel, e.g. síndria ('watermelon'); for other speakers, this is pronounced (i.e. the semivowel must be syllabic in this context).[62]

Word-medial codas are restricted to one consonant + (extra ).[63] In the coda position, voice contrasts among obstruents are neutralized.[64] Although there are exceptions (such as futur 'future'), syllable-final rhotics are often lost before a word boundary or before the plural morpheme of most words: color ('color') vs. coloraina ('bright color').[24]

In Central Eastern Catalan, obstruents fail to surface word-finally when preceded by a homorganic consonant (e.g. ). Complex codas simplify only if the loss of the segment doesn't result in the loss of place specification.[65]

Suffixation examples
Final gloss Internal gloss
no cluster camp 'field' camperol 'peasant'
punt 'point' punta 'tip'
banc 'bank' banca 'banking'
malalt 'ill' malaltia 'illness'
hort 'orchard' hortalissa 'vegetable'
gust 'taste' gustar 'to taste'
cluster serp 'snake' serpentí 'snake-like'
disc 'disk' disquet 'diskette'
remolc 'trailer' remolcar 'to tow'

When the suffix -erol is added to camp it makes , indicating that the underlying representation is || (with subsequent cluster simplification), however when the copula is added it makes . The resulting generalization is that this underlying will only surface in a morphologically complex word.[66] Despite this, word-final codas are not usually simplified in most of Balearic and Valencian (e.g. camp ).[67]

Word-initial clusters from Graeco-Latin learned words tend to drop the first phoneme: pneumàtic ('pneumatic'), pseudònim ('pseudonym'), pterodàctil ('pterodactylus'), gnom ('gnome').[68]

Word-final obstruents are devoiced, however they assimilate voicing of the following consonant; e.g. cuc de seda ('silkworm'). In regular and fast speech, stops often assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant producing gemination: tot bé ('all good').[69]

Word-final fricatives (except ) are voiced before a following vowel; e.g. bus enorme ('huge bus').[70]

In Majorcan and Minorcan Catalan, undergoes total assimilation to a following consonant (just as stops do): buf gros ('large puff').[71]

Dialectal variation

Dialectal Map of Catalan from Wheeler, Yates & Dols (1999:xviii)
Eastern dialects:
  North Catalan
  Central Catalan
  Balearic and Alguerese
Western dialects:
  North-western
  Valencian

The differences in the vocalic systems outlined above are the main criteria used to differentiate between the major dialects: Wheeler (2005) distinguishes two major dialect groups, western and eastern dialects; the latter of which only allow , , and to appear in unstressed syllables and include Northern Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic, and Alguerese. Western dialects, which allow any vowel in unstressed syllables, include Valencian and North-Western Catalan.

Regarding consonants, betacism and fricative–affricate alternations are the most prominent differences between dialects.

Other dialectal features are:

  • Vowel harmony with and in Southern Valencian; this process is progressive (i.e. preceding vowels affect those pronounced afterwards) over the last unstressed vowel of a word; e.g. hora → . However, there are cases where regressive metaphony occurs over pretonic vowels; e.g. tovallola → ('towel'), afecta → ('affects').[72]
  • In Southern Valencian subvarieties, especially in Alicante Valencian, the diphthong (phonetically in Valencian) has become : bous ('bulls').[73]
  • In regular speech in both, Eastern and Western Catalan dialects, word-initial unstressed – or – may be diphthongized to (Eastern Catalan) or (Western Catalan): ofegar ('to drown, suffocate').[74]
  • In Aragonese Catalan (including Ribagorçan), is palatalized to in consonant clusters; e.g. plou 'it rains'.[75]
  • In Alguerese and Ribagorçan word-final and are depalatized to and , respectively; e.g. gall ('rooster'), any ('year').[76][77]
  • Varying degrees of L-velarization among dialects: is dark irrespective of position in Balearic and Central Catalan and might tend to vocalization in some cases. In Western varieties like Valencian, this dark l contrasts with a clear l in intervocalic and word-initial position; while in other dialects, like Alguerese or Northern Catalan, is never velarized in any instance.[34][78]
  • Iodització (also known as iesme històric "historic yeísmo") in regular speech in most of Majorcan, Northern Catalan and in the historic comarca of Vallès (Barcelona): merges with in some Latin derived words with intervocalic L-palatalization (intervocalic + yod (-LI-, -LE-), -LL-, -CVL-, and -GVL-); e.g. palla ('straw'). An exception to this rule is initial L-palatalization; e.g. lluna ('moon').[79]
  • The dorso-palatal may occur in complementary distribution with , only in Majorcan varieties that have dorso-palatals rather than the velars found in most dialects: guerra ('war') vs sa guerra ('the war').[80]
  • In northern and transitional Valencian, word-initial and postconsonantal (Eastern Catalan and ) alternates with intervocalically; e.g. joc 'game', but pitjor 'worse', boja 'crazy' (standard Valencian , ; ; standard Catalan , and ).[81]
  • In northern Valencia and southern Catalonia has merged with realizations of after a high front vocoid; e.g. terrissa ('pottery'), insistisc ('I insist') vs. pixar ('to pee'), deixar ('to leave'). In these varieties is not found after other vocoids, and merges with after consonants; e.g. punxa ('thorn').[82]
  • Intervocalic dropping (particularly participles) in regular speech in Valencian, with compensatory lengthening of vowel ; e.g. vesprada ('evening').[83]
  • In northern Catalonia and in the town of Sóller (Majorca), a uvular trill or approximant can be heard instead of an alveolar trill; e.g. córrer ('to run').[84]

Historical development

Main article: Latin-to-Catalan sound changes

See also

References

  1. ^ Hualde (1992:367)
  2. ^ For more information on dialectal variety, see Veny (1989).
  3. ^ Wheeler (2005:1)
  4. ^ a b c Enciclopèdia Catalana, p. 630.
  5. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)
  6. ^ a b c d e Recasens & Pallarès (1995:288)
  7. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri 1992, p. 53.
  8. ^ Recasens & Espinosa 2007, p. 145.
  9. ^ Recasens (1993). Here Recasens labels these Catalan sounds as "laminoalveolars palatalitzades"
  10. ^ Recasens & Pallarès (2001). Here the authors label these Catalan sounds as "laminal postalveolar"
  11. ^ a b Recasens & Espinosa (2007:145)
  12. ^ Lloret (2003:278)
  13. ^ a b Wheeler (2005:10)
  14. ^ Hualde (1992:368)
  15. ^ a b c d e f g h Recasens & Espinosa (2005:1)
  16. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:53–55)
  17. ^ Recasens (1996:190–191)
  18. ^ a b Wheeler (2005:11–12)
  19. ^ a b c Recasens & Espinosa (2007:144)
  20. ^ a b Hualde (1992:370)
  21. ^ Entry for 'tsar' in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  22. ^ Entry for 'tsuga' in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  23. ^ Entry for 'txec' in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  24. ^ a b c d e Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:53)
  25. ^ Wheeler (2005:13–14)
  26. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2007:148–149)
  27. ^ Wheeler (2005:12)
  28. ^ Veny (2007:51)
  29. ^ Wheeler (2005:13)
  30. ^ Wheeler (2002:81)
  31. ^ Rafel (1981), cited in Recasens & Espinosa (2007:147)
  32. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2007:147)
  33. ^ Wheeler (2005:23)
  34. ^ a b Recasens & Espinosa (2005:20)
  35. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2005:3)
  36. ^ Padgett (2003:2)
  37. ^ See Bonet & Mascaró (1997) for more information
  38. ^ Recasens (1996:90–92)
  39. ^ Recasens (1996:81)
  40. ^ Recasens (1996:130–131)
  41. ^ a b Rafel (1999:14)
  42. ^ Recasens (1996:59)
  43. ^ Recasens (1996:69, 80–81)
  44. ^ Harrison (1997:2)
  45. ^ Recasens (1996:70)
  46. ^ a b Wheeler (2005:38)
  47. ^ Wheeler (2005:54)
  48. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54–55)
  49. ^ Recasens (1996:75–76)
  50. ^ Recasens (1996:128–129)
  51. ^ Recasens (1996:138)
  52. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54)
  53. ^ Institut d'Estudis Catalans Els diftongs, els triftongs i els hiats – Gramàtica de la Llengua Catalana (provisional draft)
  54. ^ e.g. Lleó (1970), Wheeler (1979)
  55. ^ Wheeler (2005:101)
  56. ^ Mascaró (2002:580–581)
  57. ^ Mascaró (2002:581)
  58. ^ Fabra (2008:24)
  59. ^ Lacreu (2002:53)
  60. ^ Wheeler (2005:36)
  61. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:63)
  62. ^ Wheeler (2005:78)
  63. ^ Wheeler (2005:166)
  64. ^ Wheeler (2005:145)
  65. ^ Herrick (2002:70)
  66. ^ Herrick (2002:72)
  67. ^ Recasens (1996:192)
  68. ^ Recasens (1996:175)
  69. ^ Badia (1988:35)
  70. ^ Recasens, Daniel (1991), "An Electropalatographic and Acoustic Study of Consonant-to-Vowel Coarticulation", Journal of Phonetics 19: 267–280.
  71. ^ Wheeler (2005:81)
  72. ^ Recasens (1996:99)
  73. ^ Recasens (1996:131–132)
  74. ^ Recasens (1996:138–139)
  75. ^ Recasens (1996:311–312)
  76. ^ Recasens (1994:266)
  77. ^ Recasens (1994:321)
  78. ^ Recasens (1996:307)
  79. ^ Wheeler (2005:34–35)
  80. ^ Wheeler (2005:22–23)
  81. ^ Wheeler (2005:15)
  82. ^ Wheeler (2005:22)
  83. ^ Recasens (1996:91–92)
  84. ^ Wheeler (2005:24)

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